Endnotes
1. This stands in telling contrast to the review that appeared in the Times (1957: 3) after Funny Face’s British release: “...a displeasing piece of work, pseudo-sophisticated, expensive and brash in approach, vulgar in taste and insensitive in outlook. This, in fact, is the American ‘musical’ at its worst; not even the presence of Mr. Fred Astaire, who was in the original stage production, nor that of Miss Audrey Hepburn can save the day.”
2. The surviving musical numbers are “Funny Face,” “He Loves and She Loves,” “S’Wonderful,” and “Let’s Kiss and Make Up.”
3. Gaines (1990: 195) relates, for instance, how Alfred Hitchcock insisted costume should play a subservient role in the narrative structure of his films and how George Cukor commented that if the costume, “knocked your eye out, it was neither good for a particular scene, nor the entire film.”
4. See Thompson (1995), for instance, on the symbiotic relationship between the development of modern society and the mass media, and the ways the latter have led institutions to mediatize communications and products with individuals and audiences.
5. Rocamora (2009) and Tynan (2016) have also demonstrated the relevance of his ideas to how fashion and clothing function as discourse. Rocamora merges theoretical standpoints by Foucault and Bourdieu to analyze how a “fashion media discourse” has operated to articulate French style as Paris style, while Tynan analyzes his ideas about a disciplinary regime in regard to dress and the body.
6. He clarifies and reinforces this point in one of his last interviews in 1984, “The Ethics of the Concern for Self as a Practice for Freedom,” stating how it also involves human agency and how it is in “institutions or practices of control … [that] the human subject defines itself” (Foucault 1997: 281). Foucault also occasionally uses the related term sujétion but more commonly he uses assujetissement in order to signal the “constitution of ‘subjects’ in both senses of the word” (Foucault 1990: 60).
7. Granger Blair (1956: 69) informs us that the nineteenth century hunting lodge chapel in the scene was augmented by wooden scenery to look like a church and that turf had to be imported specially from California to cover over the rain-sodden lawn upon which Astaire and Hepburn performed their dance.
8. The statement haunted Vreeland for the rest of her career, also appearing one year later in “The Vreeland Vogue,” Time, May 10, 1963. In her memoirs, first published in 1984, she wrote: “Although, naturally, I adore PINK. I love the pale Persian pinks of the little carnations of Provence, and Schiaparelli's pink, the pink of the Incas. And, though it's so vieux jeu I can hardly bear to repeat it, pink is the navy blue of India” (Vreeland 1997: 106).
9. Vogue also had an instrumental part to play in the transformation of fashion publishing. The title was founded in 1892 in America, originally as a society magazine that was aimed at the top 400 families whose names were recorded in the Social Register in New York. A British edition followed in 1916, and French and Italian versions in 1920 and 1950 respectively. When Thomas Condé Nast took over running the American edition with its first editor Edna Woolman in 1909, its circulation was equally modest — approximately 14,000 copies per month. His aim, however, was not to increase Vogue’s readership dramatically and he deliberately continued to emphasize the magazine’s social exclusivity during the 1920s and 1930s. What was of more importance to him was its aesthetic appearance and the chief concern was to revitalize the form and content of Vogue in keeping with the prevailing aesthetic values of modernism. To achieve this, he employed a successive range of inventive layout artists, editors, and photographers. Between 1909–39 the chief artistic contributors to Vogue in America and Europe were the photographers Edward Steichen, George Hoyningen-Huene, and Horst and the graphic designer Mehemed Fehmy, all of whom emulated the avant-garde art movements of New Objectivity and Surrealism in their stylistic tendencies. See Jobling 1999: 19-21 and Matthews David 2006: 25-6.
10. In turn, Astaire was a hero and idol to Avedon (Gopnik 1994: 111).
11. The look and the gaze are also instrumental to Blow-Up (dir. Antonioni 1966), based on a short story by Julio Cortazar. The film, with mod costumes coordinated by Jocelyn Rickards, is emblematic of the sexual — and often sexist — politics of London in the swinging sixties, and there is little or no opportunity for the dolly bird models to escape from the photographer’s relentless objectification. The part of Thomas, played by David Hemmings, treats fashion models like mindless zombies and is based on the likes of 1960s fashion photographers Terence Donovan and David Bailey. The latter gives us a clear insight into how there is a discursive lineage between Avedon/Avery and himself in the following comment, “I sometimes hate what I'm doing to girls. It turns them from human beings into objects. They come to believe they actually are like I photograph them and it gives me a terrific feeling of power. Power and destruction” (Walker 1965: 15).
12. The MGM film starred Gene Kelly and Leslie Caron. Unlike Funny Face, it turned a profit at the box office and also garnered Oscars for best picture, best director, and best costume design by Orry-Kelly, Walter Plunkett, and Irene Sharaff. It was later adapted into a successful stage musical by Ken Ludwig in 2008 and Christopher Wheeldon in 2014 (Mackrell 2014).
13. de Beauvoir once commented, “We were two of a kind and our relationship would endure as long as we did: but it could not make up for the fleeting riches to be had from encounters with different people” (Friedan 1976: 397).
14. In 1911 the Chambre was reconstituted to represent couture exclusively (Rocamora 2009: 29).
15. See Time, 11 September, 1944. It is also worth noting that, as soon as the war was over, wealthy American clients, including the Duchess of Windsor, returned their custom to Paris (Wilcox 2007: 36).
16. There is evidence to gainsay Head’s instrumentality for some of the designs in Sabrina. She claims credit for the black boat-neck cocktail dress worn by Hepburn, for instance, whereas she actually made up the garment from a sketch by Givenchy. See Chierichetti (2004: 135) and Head and Calistro (2008: 134) on this kind of self-mythologizing by Head.
17. Well-known fashion designers had been headhunted by Hollywood since the 1920s, and the relationship between fashion designers, filmmakers, and stars has been regarded as mutually beneficial in terms of publicity and cachet. Indeed, during the 1920s Parisian and Italian couturiers were often invited to include their fashions in Hollywood movies, and in turn many of the costumes featured in them became popular with the public. In 1925, Erte designed costumes for Lillian Gish and Renée Adorée in La Bohème (although Gish had hers modified by Lucia Coulter, MGM’s wardrobe mistress). Coco Chanel costumed Gloria Swanson in Tonight or Never (1931) and Elsa Schiaparelli, Mae West in Every Day’s A Holiday (1938).
18. See Nielsen (1990), who dispels the myth of the autonomous star designer. Edith Head was one of the most prolific of Hollywood costumers, working for Paramount between 1919 and 1965, and thereafter for Universal until her death in 1981. During her career she won eight Oscars for costume design, though often by taking the lead in a collaborative team effort, as follows: filmed in black and white — The Heiress, styled with Gile Steele, 1949; All About Eve, with Charles Le Maire, 1950; A Place in the Sun, 1951; Roman Holiday, 1953; Sabrina, 1954; The Facts of Life, with Edward Stevenson, 1960; and filmed in colour — Samson and Delilah, with Dorothy Jeakins, Elois Jenssen, Gile Steele, and Gwen Wakeling, 1950; and The Sting, 1973 (Chierichetti 2004: 235-6).
19. See Chierichetti (2004: 136) on the wardrobe credits for Funny Face. He states, “The black slacks … came from Jax in Beverly Hills, and the matter of the white socks … was one settled by Hepburn and Donen themselves.”
20. Blow-Up represents everything — including people — as disposable commodities. Qui Etes-Vous, Polly Maggoo?, starring Klein’s favourite female model Dorothy McGowan, was a critical and commercial success on account of its message and design, which pandered to a geometric, Op art aesthetic. But Klein ultimately portrays the fashion system as vacuous and artificial. The models that are sent down the catwalk wearing aluminium dress to rapturous applause by the audience suffer cuts and grazes, and portray the stupidity of those involved in promoting fashion. The film also contains cameos of fashion photographers like Avedon and Jeanloup Sieff, and a spoof on Vogue’s editor Diana Vreeland.
21. Genette (1980: 228-31) deploys these terms to analyze how a narrative is told and read from different positions. Thus, in the case of Funny Face the extra-diegetic message exists in the film narrative and is relayed primarily to the film audience by its actors, while the intra-diegetic code is a second level of narrative that may involve the audience insofar as they receive or perceive the message. See also Jobling 2013.
22. An exhibition of Hepburn’s possessions at Christie’s, London that took place between September 23–28, 2017 to coincide with their auction, prompted her son Sean Hepburn Ferrer to claim that fifty percent of her fan base is now under thirty years old: “She has replaced James Dean on that closet in kids’ bedrooms. It’s quite extraordinary … in a world of a lot of smoke and mirrors with social media, I think they feel there is something very real about her” (Marriott 2017: 5).
23. The feature postdates the filming of Funny Face, while also adumbrating Vreeland in 1962. It abounds with references to the colour pink. Thus Gilliatt (1956: 82) marvels at a fisherwoman in a fuchsia sari and relates how the South Indian child on the front cover “carried in her pocket … a deep pink flower clearly picked for the pleasure of its colour with her clothes.”
24. Pink-themed clothing was also popular with youth culture brands such as Missguided and Acne in spring and summer 2017. I owe a debt of gratitude to Karen Scanlon, one of the students in the MA History of Design and Material Culture at the University of Brighton, for bringing the Harrods brochure to my attention. And, along with her, I dedicate this article to the following postgraduate students, who listened patiently and responded insightfully to seminar discussions about it between 2015 and 2016: Jenna Allsop, Sequoia Barnes, Julie Bidmead, Georgina Burger, Jane Chetwynd-Appleton, Sylvia Faichney, Sarah-Mary Geissler, Emily Hill, Amy Hodgson, Sandy Jones, Harriet Parry, and Hannah Smith.
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